The Concept of Sin in African worldview :with Special Reference to the Lugbara People of the Democratic Republic of Congo(DRC)

Abstract

In this ethnographic case study I have explored the religious and cultural understanding of sin in African worldview in general and the Lugbara view of sin in particular in the Democratic Republic of Congo. I engaged in this ethnographic fieldwork because I agreed with Luzbetak (1988,284): ''The worldview of a people is really the only medium through which a society is able to understand anything, including the Gospel message and anything else that the Church may wish to communicate." A close examination of the Lugbara worldview, its systems and structures, as far as the concept of sin is concerned, has revealed the following: Firstly, the Lugbara society, as most of African societies, is well aware of the real existence of evil in the world. This reality is demonstrated by the terms used to describe evil. In the study the main terms for evil found in Lugbara nomenclature are dra, onzi and ezata. The first of these three is used generally for epidemics, natural calamities and disasters, but specifically it means death of sickness. The most common Lugbara term for evil is ezata. This is evil committed by a member of the community against the ancestral ghosts or against senior kinsmen or kinswomen. Such evil is "bad" (onzi) because it spoils relationships within the lineage and between the living and the ancestors. Secondly, Lugbara people, as most African people, categorise sins. There are the worst of all offences, that is, incest with and murder of a close kinswoman/kinsman. There are serious offences and minor offences as well. Serious offences call for sacrifices to appease the ancestral ghosts (on) and restore broken ties as well as harmony within the community. Minor offences are not so much accounted for in Lugbara society. Thirdly, sin is dealt with promptly, especially for serious offences and the worst of evils. The choice means of dealing with sin is through animal sacrifices as far as the Lugbara traditional society is concerned. Sacrifices are meant to appease angry ancestors and other divinities and restore harmony within the lineage and between the world of the ancestors and that of the living. Fourthly, sin is dealt with promptly because there is no idea of punishing an offender after he or she has died. This means that the Lugbara cosmology has no concept of an eternity in heaven or in hell. The concept of salvation in the, biblical sense is therefore new to Lugbara cosmology. Fifthly, evil or sin is understood in terms of offences committed to human beings or ancestral ghosts. This understanding takes into account the actions, and deeds, even thoughts and attitudes of people in their relationship and interaction with the world of the ancestors and the living community. Sixthly, the idea that man by his nature is evil (sinful) does not appear to be supported throughout Lugbara society, apart from the claims of the Scriptures. That is why Lugbara people I interviewed, whether in secular setting or in the church, seemed to believe that some people are good and others are evildoers. The findings of this fieldwork raised several implications for missions in African churches and theological educations in African context, for which appropriate recommendations have been made.